The Geopolitics of the ‘Animal’: Dehumanisation, Neo-Apartheid Mercenarism, and the Architecture of Economic Warfare© 

Ariane Denise Brito

Publisher : © Ariane Crafts

New York, 2025

www.arianebritoanalysis.org

For academic purposes : BRITO, ARIANE. 2025. “ARIANE BRITO ANALYSIS - STATEMENT REGARDING SOUTH AFRICA AND THE US  ESCALATION OF DIPLOMATIC WAR : The Geopolitics of the ‘Animal’: Dehumanisation, Neo-Apartheid Mercenarism, and the Architecture of Economic Warfare© .” Arianebritoanalysis.org. 2025. https://www.arianebritoanalysis.org/proposal-to-the-african-union.

ALL COPYRIGHTS RESERVED.

Table of Contents 

The Geopolitics of the ‘Animal’: Dehumanisation, Neo-Apartheid Mercenarism, and the Architecture of Economic Warfare© 0

The Geopolitics of the ‘Animal’: Dehumanisation, Neo-Apartheid Mercenarism, and the Architecture of Economic Warfare© 2

We are talking about politicians, so politically speaking what is the importance of the "Animal" and the Sovereign Ban? 3

Is there a  Juridical Function to the  Zoomorphic Rhetoric of one being likened to an Animal? 3

1.1.1 The Syrian Animal: From "Animal Assad" to Strategic Rehabilitation 3

1.1.2 The Palestinian Animal: The "Human Animal" and Total Siege 4

1.1.3 The Afghan "Animal" and the Domestic Front 4

1.2 The Inversion of Victimhood: The "White Genocide" Narrative 5

1.2.1 The Construction of the "Persecuted Minority" 5

1.2.2 Diplomatic Isolation as Punishment 5

Part II: The Historical Lens — The Long Shadow of the Apartheid War Machine 6

2.1 What is the Genealogy of Apartheid Mercenarism? 6

2.1.1 Executive Outcomes (EO): The Progenitor 7

2.1.2 STTEP International and the Nigerian Front 7

2.2 The Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) in Mozambique 7

2.3 The "Double Game" and the Protection Economy 8

Part III: The Mozambique Money Bomb for South African Whites and Indian lobbies : Gas, Mercenaries, and the Economic War! 8

3.1 The $60 Billion Gas Bonanza 9

3.2 The Insurgency as a Barrier to Extraction 9

3.3 Erik Prince and the Privatization of Sovereignty 9

3.4 The Cost of the "Protection Economy" 10

Part IV: The classical recipe ingredients for Economic Warfare — Sanctions, Aid, and the Architecture of Isolation! 10

4.1 The Isolation of South Africa: Punishing the Sovereign 10

4.1.1 The G20 Ban and "Payment Freeze" 11

4.2 The Rehabilitation of Syria: The Caesar Act as a Lever 11

4.3 The Comparison of Economic Sieges 12

Part V: How are the "Pro-Apartheid" Forces still at Work and going strong? 12

5.1 The Ideological Force: The Globalization of "Swart Gevaar" 12

5.2 The Military Force: The Contractor Diaspora 13

5.3 The Economic Force: Neocolonial Extraction 13

Have I answered the question ‘What are the  converging historical and political vectors that currently define United States foreign policy toward South Africa, Syria, and Mozambique as of late 2025?’ 13

Annex 15

The Architecture of Isolation (2025 Diplomatic Status) 15

Bibliography 16

The Geopolitics of the ‘Animal’: Dehumanisation, Neo-Apartheid Mercenarism, and the Architecture of Economic Warfare© 

What are the  converging historical and political vectors that currently define the United States foreign policy toward South Africa, Syria, and Mozambique as of late 2025?

 I want to explore the answer to this question considering  the comparative usage of dehumanising rhetoric—specifically the nomenclature of the "animal"—and the role of legacy apartheid military structures in modern economic warfare.  And I do so by  establishing that a bifurcated legal and moral order is being constructed. This order is characterised by the rehabilitation of compliant regimes regardless of past atrocities, the diplomatic strangulation of sovereign states challenging Western hegemonic narratives, and the privatisation of security operations that allows "pro-apartheid" military networks to profit from instability.

My answer to this controversial question demonstrates that the rhetoric of the "animal" functions as a sovereign mechanism to suspend the rights of specific populations (Palestinians, Syrians under Assad, Afghan migrants), thereby justifying economic sieges and military interventions. Conversely, the "White Genocide" narrative is deployed to elevate white South Africans to a protected status, legitimising punitive economic measures against the South African government. Furthermore, I inform my readers and listeners how this political theater facilitates a "protection economy" in Southern Africa, where private military companies (PMCs) staffed by former apartheid-era soldiers secure mineral and energy assets for transnational capital, perpetuating a cycle of violence and resource extraction that mirrors the geopolitical economy of the apartheid era.

We are talking about politicians, so politically speaking what is the importance of the "Animal" and the Sovereign Ban?

The political lens of our query focuses on the performative and juridical function of language in statecraft. The recurrence of the term "animal" in the rhetoric of President Donald Trump and allied leadership is not merely an expression of contempt; it is a speech act that reclassifies the subject from a political adversary entitled to diplomatic engagement to a biological threat that must be neutralised or contained. This vocabulary creates a hierarchy of victimhood that dictates economic policy.

Is there a  Juridical Function to the  Zoomorphic Rhetoric of one being likened to an Animal?

In the current geopolitical discourse, the label "animal" serves to strip the target of political agency and legal standing. Once a leader or a population is designated as such, they are relegated to a "state of exception" where international law no longer applies.

1.1.1 The Syrian Animal: From "Animal Assad" to Strategic Rehabilitation

The trajectory of US relations with Syria illustrates the utilitarian nature of this rhetoric. In April 2018, following the chemical attacks in Douma, President Trump characterised Syrian President Bashar al-Assad as an "Animal".1 This designation provided the moral license for unilateral missile strikes and the imposition of the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act, a sanctions regime designed to totally isolate the Syrian economy.2 The "Animal" label framed Assad not as a head of state, but as a monster outside the pale of civilization, justifying the economic immiseration of the Syrian population as collateral damage in the war against a beast.

However, the "animal" status is revocable! Following the collapse of the Assad regime in December 2024 and the ascendancy of Ahmed al-Sharaa (formerly the leader of the designated terrorist organization Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham), the rhetoric shifted abruptly! Despite Sharaa’s history of jihadist militancy, his strategic utility as a counterweight to Iranian influence led to his rapid rehabilitation. By November 2025, President Trump received Sharaa at the White House, referring to him not as an animal, but as a "tough guy" and "strong leader".4 This linguistic pivot signaled the immediate lifting of Caesar Act sanctions.5 The "animal" designation was thus revealed to be a temporary political status applied to Assad to justify economic war, and removed from Sharaa to facilitate economic integration, demonstrating that the moral outrage underlying the term is subordinate to geopolitical interest!

1.1.2 The Palestinian Animal: The "Human Animal" and Total Siege!

 The declaration by Israeli Defense Minister Yoav Gallant in October 2023 that "We are fighting human animals and we are acting accordingly" (6) functions identically to Trump’s rhetoric. By categorizing the Palestinian population of Gaza as "human animals," the Israeli leadership justified the imposition of a "total siege"—cutting off food, water, electricity, and fuel(.6)

This rhetoric aligns with the US administration's 2025 policy stance. The refusal to restrain Israeli military actions and the concurrent cutting of aid to Palestinian territories reinforces the doctrine that populations labeled "animals" forfeit their right to biological sustenance. The "economic war" against Palestine is total: it targets the biological survival of the population, justified by their rhetorical exclusion from humanity.7

1.1.3 The Afghan "Animal" and the Domestic Front!

Recently as in our current month November 2025, the rhetorical framework was imported to the US domestic sphere. Following a shooting incident at the White House involving an Afghan national, President Trump referred to the suspect as an "animal" who entered from a "hellhole".9 This usage serves two purposes:

1. Retrospective Validation: It validates the "Muslim Ban" and aggressive vetting policies of the administration, framing the Afghan refugee population as a latent biological threat.

2. Collective Punishment: Just as the "animal" label justified sanctions on all Syrians and the siege of all Gazans, it here justifies the "re-examination" of every Afghan national who entered the US, effectively criminalising a specific nationality.10

1.2 The Inversion of Victimhood: The "White Genocide" Narrative

While Arab and Afghan subjects are dehumanised, the white South African subject is hyper-humanised. This inversion is the central mechanism driving the US economic war against the South African government.

1.2.1 The Construction of the "Persecuted Minority"

The narrative of "White Genocide" in South Africa has been meticulously cultivated by Afrikaner interest groups such as AfriForum, who have lobbied US conservatives to view land reform and rural crime through a racial lens.11 Despite empirical evidence that violent crime in South Africa disproportionately affects black citizens, the Trump administration has adopted the position that the South African government is implicitly and tacitly culpable for "killing white people".11

1.2.2 Diplomatic Isolation as Punishment

This narrative culminated in the extraordinary diplomatic rupture of November 2025. President Trump announced that South Africa would be barred from the 2026 G20 summit and that all US aid would be frozen.13 The justification was explicitly racial: the alleged "horrific human rights abuses endured by Afrikaners".13

This represents a profound double standard in US foreign policy. The administration is willing to normalise relations with a former Al-Qaeda affiliate in Syria (Sharaa) based on realpolitik (4), yet it isolates a democratic South Africa based on a debunked racial conspiracy theory. This confirms  that "pro-apartheid forces" have successfully captured the narrative, positioning the preservation of white minority capital and land ownership as a US national security interest.

Rhetorical Subject

Designation

Associated Policy

Economic Consequence

Bashar al-Assad

"Animal"

Caesar Act (Sanctions)

Economic collapse, reconstruction ban

Palestinians

"Human Animals"

Total Siege

Starvation, infrastructure destruction

Afghan National

"Animal"

Visa Review / Deportation

Exclusion from labor/asylum markets

White South Africans

"Victims"

Refugee Status / Aid Cut to SA

Economic isolation of SA state

Ahmed al-Sharaa

"Tough Guy"

Sanctions Relief

Reintegration into global economy

Part II: The Historical Lens — The Long Shadow of the Apartheid War Machine

To understand the "pro-apartheid forces" at force in Africa and in the Middle East,  one must look beyond the South African state to the privatisation of its apartheid-era military capabilities. The transition from the South African Defence Force (SADF) to the private military industry represents a continuity of personnel, ideology, and tactics that continues to shape conflict in Africa.

2.1 What is the Genealogy of Apartheid Mercenarism? 

The dismantling of the apartheid state in 1994 did not dissolve its military capacity; it privatised it! The elite units of the SADF—specifically the 32 Battalion (the "Buffalo Soldiers"), the Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB), and Koevoet—were disbanded, leaving thousands of highly trained soldiers specializing in counter-insurgency and covert operations unemployed.14

2.1.1 Executive Outcomes (EO): The Progenitor

Founded in 1989 by Eeben Barlow, a former commander in the 32 Battalion and CCB operative, Executive Outcomes (EO) became the archetype for the modern PMC.14 EO capitalised on the "security vacuum" in post-Cold War Africa, offering the military efficiency of the apartheid state to sovereign governments facing rebellion.

• The Model: EO pioneered the "resource concession" model, where military services were exchanged for rights to diamond mines (Sierra Leone) and oil fields (Angola).16 This established the "economic war" duality where conflict resolution is tied to resource extraction.

• The Resurrection: Although EO formally closed in 1998, Barlow re-established the company in 2020.14 This resurrection was not merely symbolic; it was a response to the escalating Islamist insurgencies in Africa (Mozambique, Nigeria), positioning the apartheid-era soldier as the indispensable guardian of stability.16

2.1.2 STTEP International and the Nigerian Front

The lineage continued through STTEP (Specialised Tasks, Training, Equipment and Protection), also chaired by Barlow. STTEP was contracted by the Nigerian government to fight Boko Haram.17 This demonstrates that the expertise developed defending apartheid—mobile warfare, relentless pursuit, and the use of indigenous proxy forces—has become South Africa’s most potent export.

2.2 The Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) in Mozambique

The most tangible manifestation of this "apartheid military" influence in 2025 is the Dyck Advisory Group (DAG) operating in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado province.

• Leadership: DAG is led by Lionel Dyck, a former Rhodesian colonel who served in the Zimbabwean military post-independence but retains the operational ethos of the white minority military tradition.18

• Operational Profile: Hired by the Mozambican police in 2020 to combat the Al-Shabaab/ISIS insurgency, DAG deployed helicopter gunships manned by white pilots to provide air support.18

• Conduct and War Crimes: Investigations by Amnesty International revealed that DAG operatives fired indiscriminately into crowds, dropped hand grenades from helicopters onto civilians, and attacked hospitals.19 The racial optics of white pilots raining fire upon black civilians in defense of multinational gas projects are stark, reinforcing the historical fact that the "pro-apartheid" logic of valuing white capital over black life persists.

2.3 The "Double Game" and the Protection Economy

Why  am I keen to the argument that  these contractors "benefit greatly from mines, proxy wars... and financing of ISIS"! There is significant evidence to support the theory of a "protection economy," where insecurity is not solved but managed for profit!

• Prolonging Conflict: Analysts have noted that DAG’s intervention in Mozambique was sufficient to secure specific towns but insufficient to defeat the insurgency, creating a dependency on their services.21 The failure of DAG to prevent the fall of Palma in 2021 22 highlights the limitations—or perhaps the calculated inefficiency—of this model?

• The ISIS Financing Link: The US Treasury has sanctioned South African nationals, including Siraaj Miller and Farhad Hoomer, for allegedly financing ISIS-Mozambique.23 The presence of South African terror financiers justifies the intervention of South African PMCs to fight them, and simultaneously justifies US diplomatic pressure on the South African government for being "soft on terror." The "apartheid" military contractors thus exist in a symbiotic relationship with the very threat they are hired to suppress, profiting from the chaos that justifies their existence.25

Part III: The Mozambique Money Bomb for South African Whites and particular Indian and Portuguese  lobbies : Gas, Mercenaries, and the Economic War

Mozambique serves as the crucible where the historical legacy of apartheid mercenarism meets the modern imperatives of US energy security! The "economic war" here is a war for the control of the Rovuma Basin’s vast natural gas reserves.

3.1 The $60 Billion Gas Bonanza

The discovery of massive offshore gas reserves in the Rovuma Basin attracted the world's largest energy companies, notably ExxonMobil (USA) and TotalEnergies (France).27 These projects, valued at over $60 billion, represent one of the largest infrastructure investments in Africa.

• US State Involvement: The US government is a direct stakeholder. The Export-Import Bank of the United States (EXIM) approved a $4.7 billion loan to support the Mozambique LNG project.29 This financial commitment elevates the security of Cabo Delgado to a matter of US national interest.

3.2 The Insurgency as a Barrier to Extraction

The Islamist insurgency (ISIS-Mozambique/Ansar al-Sunna) halted these projects in 2021, leading both Exxon and Total to declare force majeure.27 The primary objective of the "economic war" in this region became the sanitisation of the extraction zone.

• The Failure of State Forces: The Mozambican military proved incapable of securing the perimeter, necessitating the hiring of PMCs like DAG and later the intervention of Rwandan forces.18

3.3 Erik Prince and the Privatisation of Sovereignty

Who comes to mind when you hear "US and formal Apartheid military contractors" ? A key figure bridging these two worlds is Erik Prince, founder of Blackwater (now Academi). Prince, a close ally of Donald Trump, attempted to enter the Mozambican security market through Frontier Services Group (FSG).31

• The Proposal with Chinese Capital Aid: Prince proposed a private security partnership with the Mozambican national oil company (ENH) and a logistics joint venture.31 While FSG officially withdrew in 2020, the attempt signifies the integration of US private military interests with the resource extraction logic of the region. Prince’s business model often involves partnering with Chinese state capital (CITIC Group), complicating the geopolitical alignment, but his operational ethos remains rooted in the Western mercenary tradition!33

3.4 The Cost of the "Protection Economy"

The "protection economy" in Mozambique functions by creating secure enclaves for international capital while the surrounding population faces displacement and violence.

• Displacement: Over 800,000 people have been displaced by the conflict.35 The security forces (both state and private) prioritise the defense of the Afungi peninsula (where the gas facilities are located) over the protection of rural villages.21

• Lifting Force Majeure (2025): By late 2025, ExxonMobil and TotalEnergies lifted force majeure, citing improved security.27 This "improvement" was achieved through the militarisation of the region, validating the utility of the mercenary/proxy force model. The "economic war" against the local population—who see little benefit from the gas but bear the brunt of the war—continues unabated.

Part IV: The classical recipe ingredients for Economic Warfare — Sanctions, Aid, and the Architecture of Isolation!

The "economic war"  is not a singular event but a strategy of differential integration and isolation. The US uses its financial dominance to punish states that challenge its geopolitical narrative (South Africa) while rewarding those that align with its strategic shifts (Syria).

4.1 The Isolation of South Africa: Punishing the Sovereign

The US strategy toward South Africa in late 2025 is one of punitive isolation, driven by the convergence of the "White Genocide" lobby and dissatisfaction with South Africa's non-aligned foreign policy (BRICS, Palestine).

4.1.1 The G20 Ban and "Payment Freeze"

The decision to bar South Africa from the 2026 G20 and freeze "all payments" is a devastating economic weapon.13

• PEPFAR and the Biopolitics of Aid: The most critical component of this freeze is the suspension of PEPFAR funding. South Africa has the world's largest HIV epidemic, and PEPFAR funds a significant portion of its antiretroviral treatment program.37

• The Human Cost: Estimates suggest that the PEPFAR funding cut could lead to between 60,000 and 74,000 excess HIV deaths.38 This is a form of necropolitics—the power to dictate who may live and who must die. By freezing this aid under the pretext of protecting white farmers, the Trump administration effectively holds millions of black lives hostage to its political demands.

• Implicit Culpability: The US accuses the SA government of culpability in farm murders, and in response, enacts a policy that makes the US government implicitly culpable for mass death among HIV patients.

4.2 The Rehabilitation of Syria: The Caesar Act as a Lever

In contrast to South Africa, the economic war against Syria was suspended in November 2025.

• The Caesar Act (2019): For years, this act strangled the Syrian economy, preventing any reconstruction and blocking energy imports, ostensibly to punish the "Animal" Assad.3

• The 2025 Suspension: Following the Trump-Sharaa meeting, the US suspended the Caesar Act sanctions.4 This was done not because the human rights situation improved drastically (Sharaa is a former terrorist leader), but because the new government aligned with US interests against Iran.

• The Contrast: This exposes the "economic war" as purely transactional. Syria, a destroyed state led by a former jihadist, is granted access to the global economy. South Africa, a constitutional democracy, is shut out. The determining factor is not human rights, but subservience to US hegemony and the protection of specific racial/capital interests.

4.3 The Comparison of Economic Sieges

Target State

Mechanism of Economic War

Justification

Outcome (2025)

South Africa

Aid Freeze (PEPFAR) / G20 Ban

"White Genocide" / Human Rights

Potential 74k+ HIV deaths, diplomatic isolation

Syria

Caesar Act (Sanctions)

"Animal Assad" / War Crimes

Suspended (Rehabilitation of Sharaa)

Palestine (Gaza)

Total Siege / UNRWA Defunding

"Human Animals" / Terrorism

Starvation, infrastructure collapse

Mozambique

Debt / Resource Enclave

"Counter-Terrorism"

Extraction of gas ($60bn), local displacement

Part V: How are the "Pro-Apartheid" Forces still at Work and going strong?

 The nature of these forces has evolved from a state apparatus to a transnational network of ideology and capital.

5.1 The Ideological Force: The Globalisation of "Swart Gevaar"

The success of AfriForum and other Afrikaner interest groups in lobbying the US government signifies the globalisation of apartheid-era propaganda. The "Swart Gevaar" (Black Peril) of the 20th century has been repackaged as "White Genocide" for the 21st century.12 This narrative has successfully captured the US executive branch, leading to policies that treat the black-majority government of South Africa as inherently illegitimate and dangerous to whites, justifying its isolation.

5.2 The Military Force: The Contractor Diaspora!

The men fighting in Cabo Delgado (DAG) and training armies across the continent (STTEP) represent the physical continuity of the apartheid war machine. Eeben Barlow and Lionel Dyck are the patriarchs of a mercenary lineage that has privatised the apartheid state’s counter-insurgency doctrine.14 They operate in the "grey zones" of the global economy, providing the violence necessary to secure resources for Western markets (LNG in Mozambique) while operating largely outside the bounds of international humanitarian law.

5.3 The Economic Force: Neocolonial Extraction

The "economic war" is not just about sanctions; it is about the terms of integration. Mozambique is integrated into the global economy only as a source of gas, secured by mercenaries. South Africa is threatened with exclusion if it does not conform to Western narratives regarding land and foreign policy. Syria is reintegrated only when it serves as a buffer against Iran.

The "pro-apartheid" logic remains: the world is divided into zones of white/Western security and capital accumulation, and zones of black/Arab containment. The "walls" of this apartheid are built with sanctions, visa bans ("animals"), and militarised borders, guarded by the very soldiers who once defended the regime in Pretoria.

Have I answered the question ‘What are the  converging historical and political vectors that currently define United States foreign policy toward South Africa, Syria, and Mozambique as of late 2025?’

 Yes because I demonstrated how a  coordinated economic and rhetorical war is being waged to reshape the sovereignty of African and Levantine states.

1. Rhetorically: The term "animal" is a precision-guided munition used to strip enemies of legal rights (Syria, Palestine, Afghan refugees), while the "white victim" narrative is used to criminalise the South African state.

2. Militarily: "Formal Apartheid military contractors" (EO, DAG) have successfully transitioned into the private sector, profiting from the "protection economy" in places like Mozambique, where they secure Western energy interests against local insurgencies.

3. Economically: The tools of isolation (Caesar Act, PEPFAR freeze) are deployed transactionally. The rehabilitation of the Syrian government under Sharaa proves that "human rights" are a pretext; the true currency is geopolitical alignment. Conversely, the punishment of South Africa reveals that the protection of white minority interests remains a potent driver of US foreign policy.

The "pro-apartheid forces" are indeed still at work. They have merely traded their SADF uniforms for PMC contracts and their parliamentary seats for lobbying firms in Washington, continuing the project of securing privilege through isolation and force!

Ariane Denise Brito

Publisher : © Ariane Crafts

New York, 2025

www.arianebritoanalysis.org

Annex 

 The Architecture of Isolation (2025 Diplomatic Status)

Country

Status

US "Animal" Rhetoric Application

"Apartheid" Military Involvement

Economic War Status

South Africa

Isolated

Govt accused of killing "white people"

Source of PMCs (EO, DAG, STTEP)

Active (G20 Ban, Aid Freeze)

Syria

Rehabilitated

Withdrawn (Assad -> Sharaa)

Target of US/Western Contractors

Suspended (Caesar Act lifted)

Mozambique

Extracted

Insurgents labeled "ISIS animals"

Theater of Operation (DAG, FSG)

Investment (EXIM Loans for Gas)

Palestine

Sieged

"Human Animals" (Gallant/US tacit support)

Target of Israeli/US Defense Tech

Total (Siege/Defunding)

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